International Nurses in Canada Essay Example for Free

International Nurses in Canada Essay International Nurses in Canada Nurses play vital role in the person’s life. Nurses take care of health of all age group of Canadians and make the nation very healthy and wealthy. Nursing, as a career to both men and women offer varieties of opportunities for professional development and the personal satisfaction by helping people, when they really seek caring hand. Duties and Responsibilities of a Nurse in Ontario, Canada In Canada duties and responsibilities of nurses are well defined and listed with the emphasis on good ethics. The main duties of the Registered Nurses are as follows. Nurses assess patients to identify appropriate nursing interventions and provide medications and treatments according to policies and protocols . They collaborate with team members to plan, implement and evaluate patient care in consultation with patients and their relatives. They educate the patients and implement the institute policies for discharging patients. They assist surgeons, physicians in medical procedure or surgery and successfully monitor and operate medical equipments and supervise subordinates staff. (1. Employment Ontario). They maintain stock of supplies; prepare rooms, sterile instruments and equipments. They perform routine laboratory and office work. (2. Compassionate nursing care). In Ontario, there are two major groups in nursing profession. 1. Registered Nurse, 2. Registered Practical Nurse. The important differences between these two nursing professions are education and practice. RN requires studying a four year Bachelor of Nursing degree course and RPN requires studying, diploma program of four semesters. (3. RNAO). Working area of a nurse trained in Ontario, Canada A nurse trained in Canada can work in nearly 120 countries in the world. This is due to the Global nursing connections of Canadian Nursing Association with ICN (International Council Of Nursing). ICN is a federation of national nurses’ associations, representing nurses in more than 120 countries. CNA has very good leadership, which has represented ICN at various senior level for pretty long period. (4. CNA). Duties of a nurse in a Third World Country (ZAMBIA) Zambia is a member of International Council of Nurses (ICN) and nursing profession is regulated by the Nurses and Midwives Act No. 31 of 1997. Unfortunately, Zambia is among the 57 countries identified by WHO as experiencing critical shortage nurses and doctors as they are changing their profession or migrating to other counties. (5-ZUNO, 2008). Nurses in Zambia are working in highly unsafe and poor occupational conditions. In Zambia HIV/AIDS and other diseases such as tuberculosis and malaria are predominant. Due to the shortage of nursing staff, there is an overload of work on existing nurses. They work with inadequate protective clothing and instruments. They are offered very poor salary and deprived of basic needs of life. All these factors increase stress to nurses and deteriorate their physical, mental and financial condition. The nurses trained in Ontario can work in any part of the world, but the internationally trained nurse cannot work here as soon as they come here. At first glance this looks unpalatable and dominance of developed country over developing country and third world country. Here, the development in health care is very fast to keep the people healthy and provide faster recovery. So nurses will require keeping the pace with new technology and innovations. Nurses need to implement new health programs. Nurses need to work more independently. Nurses must be able to collaborate, the activities of the different disciplines for the patient’s benefit. Here, Nurses should be aware of consequences of ethical and legal issues, while treating the patient with their consent, relating nursing practice in the institute / hospital. (6. CNA). All these important information and knowledge are required before treating patients in Ontario. Above all, communication should also be fluent, to understand team members and patients. Because of these reasons, internationally trained nurses might not be able to work immediately, when they arrive here. Requirements for internationally trained nurse to be accepted in nursing profession They should be Canadian citizen, Permanent Resident or authorized under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (Canada) and provide evidence of fluency in English / French. They should complete an acceptable nursing program, provide recent safe nursing practice, should successfully complete national nursing registration examination and provide registration or eligibility of registration in Ontario. They should provide Good character and clean criminal record from a Canadian Criminal Record. (7. CNO). Expenses to obtain Ontario Certification for internationally trained nurses Various Bridge Training programs are offered by Ontario government to internationally educated nursing professional to gain the knowledge and information needed to get license to do practise in Ontario. (8. Ontario Bridge Training). This study program is ranging between 2 to 4 semesters. The tuition fee for this study program is ranging between $ 12000 to $ 4400. After completion of this program they will have to pay,1. application fee,2. PLAR Fee,3. Examinatin fee,4,General class registration fee. The total comes $ 2457. 0. (9. CNO). These expenses are overwhelming for newcomers. Newcomers initially struggle to get the job to meet their daily expenses. How could they take care of expensive tuition fees and license fees with full time study? This system is very expensive for internationally trained nurse to get license and do the practise in Ontario.

AC Bridge Circuits :: Papers

AC Bridge Circuits As we saw with DC measurement circuits, the circuit configuration known as a bridge can be a very useful way to measure unknown values of resistance. This is true with AC as well, and we can apply the very same principle to the accurate measurement of unknown impedances. To review, the bridge circuit works as a pair of two-component voltage dividers connected across the same source voltage, with a null-detector meter movement connected between them to indicate a condition of "balance" at zero volts: [IMAGE] Any one of the four resistors in the above bridge can be the resistor of unknown value, and its value can be determined by a ratio of the other three, which are "calibrated," or whose resistances are known to a precise degree. When the bridge is in a balanced condition (zero voltage as indicated by the null detector), the ratio works out to be this: [IMAGE] One of the advantages of using a bridge circuit to measure resistance is that the voltage of the power source is irrelevant. Practically speaking, the higher the supply voltage, the easier it is to detect a condition of imbalance between the four resistors with the null detector, and thus the more sensitive it will be. A greater supply voltage leads to the possibility of increased measurement precision. However, there will be no fundamental error introduced as a result of a lesser or greater power supply voltage unlike other types of resistance measurement schemes. Impedance bridges work the same, only the balance equation is with complex quantities, as both magnitude and phase across the components of the two dividers must be equal in order for the null detector to indicate "zero." The null detector, of course, must be a device capable of detecting very small AC voltages. An oscilloscope is often used for this, although very sensitive electromechanical meter movements and even headphones (small speakers) may be used if the source frequency is within audio range. One way to maximize the effectiveness of audio headphones as a null

Lemonade Stand — Season Three

This report provides factual quantative information on Lemonade Stand, sourced from financial statements, the business’ General Journal and financial data collected during Seasons One, Two and Three. The following economic summary report will consider how well Lemonade Stand’s business is performing by, among other things, deducting the stand’s capital costs from its profits. Through analysis of the previously stated quantiative information, the company will be able to measure how well the stand is using capital to build economic value, with perhaps deploying company resources in ways that will further enhance its economic value. In short, the economic summary report’s fundamental objective is to maximize the stand’s return for its owners, as well as to focus on very precise value-related targets, be they cost reductions, new investments, or other resource allocation. Over the three season period of review, Lemonade Stand has shown a steady revenue growth. Although this growth is positive, there are aspects of the business that, if managed more efficiently, could have brought the stand a significant increase in overall profits. First, the price per cup could have been increased throughout Season Two – instead of maintaining a steady price of $0. 60 during the whole season. This simple increase in price would increase revenues and profits for the season. Second, there was a lack of wise management towards the purchase of supplies during Season Two. It was difficult to forecast the turnout for each day and excess supplies were purchased in preparation for a predicted rush of customers. This mismanagement lead to a waste of supplies, – especially ice – a low inventory turnover, increased expenses – due to management mistakes instead of business operations — and excess inventory at the ending of the season. However, despite the downfall in Season Two, inventory turnover did improve during Season Three as well as the stand’s current ratio. The Lemonade Stand’s current ratio increased significantly from having $5. 80 in current assets for ever $1. 00 in current liabilities in Season One, to having $14. 50 in current assets for every $1. 0 in current liabilities at the conclusion of Season Three. The higher current ratio indicates the liquidty of the business, meaning that there is a greater margin of safety to cover short-term debts. As a result of a higher current ratio, the stand will be able to obtain necessities from short-term creditors such as suppliers, easier than before. The ability to obtain supplies and other necessi ties from short-term creditors will allow the stand to expand – if desired – and perhaps secure a more profitable Season Four. In addition, the decrease in the debt-equity ratio is another positive sign that shows us that the stand can be successful in the future if managed properly. The owners of Lemonade Stand place a value of $100. 00 toward being their own boss and thus have the freedom and flexibility that they would otherwise not experience while working for another person or company. This form of revenue can be found in the stand’s implicit revenue on the stand’s balance sheet and is added to the value of learning how to run the business — $50. 0 for Season One – as well as gaining more information and/or education on increasing profits and learning how to better manage the stand. During the third season, the stand was more concerned with maximizing returns on resources and therefore lead to a greater economic profit for that season. When the information contained in the business’ financial statements is used to create strategic objectives, such as maximizing returns on resources, the stand will be able to focus on those activities that will produce the desired result and also guide the owners in the management of the business. By focusing on activities that create the most value and, conversley, avoiding devoting inordinate amounts of resources to activities that produce little value the stand will be able to maintain its financial health and generate higher profits in the seasons to come. Lemonade Stand is in a strong position to expand and through expansion, will be able to set larger strategic objectives and potentially increase the health and value of the business.

Is Prime Ministers Question Time still an effective way to hold th UKe Government to account - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 7 Words: 2235 Downloads: 4 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Politics Essay Type Analytical essay Did you like this example? Prime Ministers Questions is a weekly event, taking place on Wednesdays at midday in the House of Commons, in which Members of Parliament ask questions of the Prime Minister which he/she is obliged to answer over the course of approximately half an hour. Prior to 1997, this was instead two fifteen minute slots (Seaton and Winetrobe, 1999). The Leader of the Opposition is allocated six questions during this period. In the past, the Prime Minister has been able to transfer questions to relevant members of his/her Cabinet, and the Leader of the Opposition has foregone the opportunity to ask his/her allocated number of questions. Since the changes made under Tony Blair in 1997, the third-largest party (since then the Liberal Democrats) has been afforded the chance to ask two questions (Thomas, 2004: 5). The event has a long tradition in British politics and is considered a central element in the adversarial thrust of the parliamentary system and the House of Commo ns. It provides an opportunity for Members of Parliament to address questions and issues directly to the Prime Minister, and to have those issues answered and responded to (Gimson, 2012). As such, it is considered a cornerstone of the British political system. This paper will argue that it alone is not an effective means of holding the government to account, but that it forms an important constituent part in the wider adversarial democratic process of ensuring government accountability. It will also be noted that an increasing emphasis on point-scoring, machoism and unruly contentiousness is something which has detracted from the democratic effectiveness of Prime Ministers Questions. One of the central emphases of Prime Ministers Questions is that the issues raised and questions put to the Prime Minister are ones which he/she does not know in advance. It is therefore seen as an opportunity for Members of Parliament to challenge the Prime Minister away from any prepared or scripte d response. For this reason, Prime Ministers Questions has been valued by the opposition and in some cases feared by the Prime Minister as it forces him or her to be very well briefed on the issues of the day, as well as to improvise and respond quickly and efficiently to unanticipated questions or issues which might be raised (Cowley, 2001: 820). However, it has been argued, both by politicians and by commentators, that the unruly nature of some Prime Ministers Questions has meant that, rather than being an important part of the democratic process and a chance to hold the government to account, it has become something of a spectacle and an uncivilised shouting match. This problem has indeed been raised by the current Speaker of the House, John Bercow, who has identified the histrionics and cacophony of noise associated with the event (Mason and Edgington, 2014, n.p.). Bercow suggested in the same interview that female Members of Parliament in particular are driven to not attend Prime Ministers Questions because of the machoism and unruliness of the behaviour in the House (Mason and Edgington, 2014). To the extent that the nature of the event discourages certain Members of Parliament from attending suggests that it is less than ideally effective as a democratic process. If not all Members wish to attend, not all the potential questions and issues which could or should be raised in Prime Ministers Questions are going to be addressed. In such circumstances, it is possible that the emphasis is more on presentation and cheap point-scoring than on actual political processes and accountability, and that the ability of the Prime Minister to make jokes, cutting ripostes and other style over substance elements in the debating process has taken centre stage. Given the relatively short duration of the event à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" half an hour per week à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the possibility for unruly behaviour and disruption to undermine the process and ensure that little is actually said or achieved in the questioning session is all the greater (Murphy, 2014). Bates et al. (2014: 243) addressed in their research of Prime Ministers Questions from Margaret Thatcher through to David Cameron, the question of whether or not the event has become increasingly a focal point for shallow political point scoring rather than serious prime ministerial scrutiny. They found some worrying evidence of Prime Ministers Questions as both rowdier and increasingly dominated by the main party leaders with Prime Ministers increasingly expected to be able to respond to a wider range of questions, female MPs as likely to ask helpful questions but less likely to ask unanswerable questions than male counterparts and Members of Parliament being less likely to ask helpful questions and more likely to ask unanswerable questions the longer their parliamentary tenure. These all suggest a less than ideal process of holding the government to account. Thus it is necessary to distingui sh between adversarial discourse which serves a political democratic process in holding the government to account on the one hand, and confrontational or aggressive behaviour which is simply point-scoring and face-saving on the other. Bull and Wells (2011: n.p.), in their study of adversarial discourse in Prime Ministers Questions, analysed the concept of face-threatening acts, and identified six distinctive ways in which FTAs are performed by the leader of the opposition in questions and five distinctive ways in which the PM may counter FTAs in replies were identified. They concluded that face aggravation in PMQs is not just an acceptable form of parliamentary discourse, it is both sanctioned and rewarded, a means whereby MPs may enhance their own status through aggressive facework. These face-threatening acts were ones which, without constituting non-parliamentary language (i.e. language which is deemed by the Speaker of the House to be directly insulting towards another Member of Parliament), nevertheless aimed at embarrassing or undermining the person at whom they were directed. This so-called aggressive facework may serve a political purpose, and may constitute a challenge to the government and its representatives, but it is one which is based more on personality than politics, and one which therefore serves more of an interpersonal role within the House than it does a wider political role in ensuring democratic accountability. Mohammed (2008: 380) characterises Prime Ministers Questions in terms of institutional conventions, arguing that it has a structured purpose and format which achieves its ends by being institutionally defined. In other words, such a format for adversarial exchange, where there are clear rules and conventions of behaviour, is one which makes it effective and efficient in achieving its goals i.e. holding the government to account. Mohammed (2008: 380) highlights the initial situation of Prime Ministers Questions as being a mixed d ifference of opinion concerning a proposition evaluating the performance of the government. This suggests that although the topical questions put to the Prime Minister may not be critical or aggressive in their nature, that what is presupposed in the questioning is nevertheless a process of accountability. The Prime Minister is recognised as the centre of the process, and he/she is called upon as the main protagonist of the positive standpoint, since he is expected to always defend his government (sic) (Mohammed, 2008: 380). The emphasis on a single individual as representing the government and addressing the issues which are raised, and the executive manner of the role within the eponymous questions session, means that Prime Ministers Questions does have a recognisable symbolic value as a means of holding the government to account. As well as being well-codified and formalised, Prime Ministers Questions is valued as a means of holding the government to account in terms of its im portance (Lovenduski, 2012). This is reflected in the fact that Members of Parliament are present at Prime Ministers Questions to a degree which far exceeds their presence during normal proceedings in the House of Commons. Salmond (2014: 321) has argued in favour of Prime Ministers Questions as a democratic tool of accountability on these grounds, noting that the data demonstrates how these open QTs are associated with higher levels of political knowledge, partisanship, and turnout. In that they attract a large number of parliamentarians, and therefore a wider gambit of democratic representation, they are a means of ensuring that the largest possible proportion of the electorate is represented during the session. Moreover, these members of the electorate are able to effectively have their issues put directly to the most important politician in the country. This was made explicitly evident recently by Jeremy Corbyn, whose first Prime Ministers Questions session as newly-elected Leade r of the Opposition involved him addressing questions to David Cameron directly from those members of the electorate who had put them to him in emails and letters. He went so far as to directly name these individuals and thereby to literally employ Prime Ministers Questions as a platform in which members of the electorate could directly address their Prime Minister (BBC News, 2015). In the same session, Labours new leader said he wanted the weekly sessions to be less theatrical and Mr Cameron agreed there should be more focus on substantial issues (BBC News, 2015). This returns to the issue raised earlier of the degree to which style and point-scoring at the personal level has taken precedent over substance and addressing issues at the political level. Indeed, this call for not only Prime Ministers Questions but the political process more generally to become more substantial and less personality-oriented is one which has dominated the discourse of the last decade or so. Indeed, D avid Cameron promised when he was elected Leader of the Opposition to end Punch and Judy politics, and responded to Corbyn by saying that no one would be more delighted than me if Prime Ministers Questions were made into more of a genuine exercise in asking questions and answering questions (BBC News, 2015). As such, there is a continued recognition of the fact that political processes have to negotiate between personal and political, style and substance, in their practices. However, to the extent that both Corbyn and Cameron recognise this problem, and claim to be willing to change it, there is evidence that Prime Ministers Questions, if it has been less than ideal as a means of holding the government to account in the past, is likely to become more so in the future. To conclude, therefore, it can be argued that there are strengths and weaknesses to Prime Ministers Questions as a tool in ensuring government accountability to the electorate. Among the strengths, this essay has id entified three key elements. Firstly, it is a well-regulated, formal system with recognised rules and proceedings. This means that this regular event runs efficiently and can allow for a number of important questions to be asked directly to the most important politician in the land and direct representative of the government. Secondly, the fact that the Prime Ministers responses are not fully prepared in advance means that the session has an impromptu and spontaneous element which allows for potentially greater accountability. Thirdly, the session is well-attended by parliamentarians and well-recognised by people who follow politics (with its being broadcast on BBC2), and therefore it is also a high profile opportunity to raise issues and find the government accountable. However, whilst these benefits obtain, it is also notable that Prime Ministers Questions can be less than ideal as a means of holding the government to account. Causes of this include the relatively short length of the sessions, their comparative infrequency being held only once a week and, as identified above, the fact that cheap point-scoring and what has been identified in the literature as aggressive facework (Bull and Wells, 2011) constitute one of the central features of the questioning process. As such, there is the real possibility of what would otherwise be an effective means of holding the government to account descending into a competitive, mud-slinging match where the emphasis is on achieving personal goals rather than political ones. If the evidence of recent Prime Ministers Questions is reliable, it can be noted in closing, there is a suggestion that this emphasis is being decreased, and that Prime Ministers Questions may in the future become increasingly like the effective means of holding the government accountable that it has the potential to be. References Bates, S. R., Kerr, P., Byrne, C. and Stanley, L. (2014). Questions to the Prime Minister: A Comparative Study of P MQs from Thatcher to Cameron. Parliamentary Affairs, 67(2), 253-280. BBC News. 2015. Jeremy Corbyn asks David Cameron questions from public. BBC News 16th September 2015. Available online [accessed 19th October 2015] at: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-34264683 Bull, P. and Wells, P. (2011). Adversial Discourse in Prime Ministers Questions. Journal of Language and Social Psychology. https://jls.sagepub.com/content/early/2011/10/01/0261927X11425034.abstract. Cowley, P. (2001). The Commons: Mr Blairs Lapdog?. Parliamentary Affairs, 54(4), 815-828. Gimson, A. (2012). PMQs: Thats the Way to do It!. British Journalism Review, 23(3), 11-13. Lovenduski, J. (2012). Prime Ministers questions as political ritual. British Politics, 7(4), 314-340. Mason, C. and Edgington, T. (2014). Female MPs shunning PMQs, says John Bercow. BBC News. Available online [accessed 19th October 2015] at: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-27062577. Mohammed, D. (2008). Institutional ins ights for analysing strategic manoeuvring in the British Prime Ministers Question Time. Argumentation, 22(3), 377-393. Murphy, J. (2014). (Im) politeness during Prime Ministers Questions in the UK Parliament. Pragmatics and Society, 5(1), 76-104. Salmond, R. (2014). Parliamentary question times: How legislative accountability mechanisms affect mass political engagement. The Journal of Legislative Studies, 20(3), 321-341. Seaton, J. and Winetrobe, B. K. (1999). Modernising the commons. The Political Quarterly, 70(2), 152-160. Thomas, G. P. (2004). United kingdom: the prime minister and parliament. The Journal of Legislative Studies, 10(2-3), 4-37. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Is Prime Ministers Question Time still an effective way to hold th UKe Government to account?" essay for you Create order